By Frances Gouda
The results of a Fulbright senior study fellowship celebrating the simultaneous fiftieth anniversaries of the Fulbright trade starting place and the Indonesian Republic, this publication deals a brand new point of view on American attitudes towards Dutch colonial rule and Indonesia’s fight for independence. Drawing on large study in American, Dutch, Indonesian, and Australian diplomatic files and archival files, in addition to the records of the United countries, the authors supply a brand new evaluation of the political history and altering purpose of yankee international regulations.
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Additional resources for American visions of the Netherlands East Indies Indonesia: US foreign policy and Indonesian nationalism, 1920-1949
One among them was Sudarpo Sastrosatomo, a well-educated press officer only in his mid-twenties, who had been dispatched to New York as public information officer by the embattled government of the Yogyakarta Republic. He recognized that George Washington, having helped to achieve America’s freedom by his steadfast leadership on the battlefield, had assumed almost mythical proportions. Sudarpo also understood that Washington was not the only one who lived on in Americans’ memory as a gallant leader in war and peace and as a champion in the hearts of his countrymen.
72 Moreover, the memories of the nuclear annihilation of Hiroshima and Nagasaki endowed Washington’s management of its international relations with an aura of impunity. This instinctive sense of US-Dutch compatibility in matters of business, democratic politics, and social values lingered on throughout the postwar period. This was done only after the Truman Administration and the US Congress on Capitol Hill were reassured that it was plausible to expect that the “moderate” leaders of the Republik Indonesia – moderate having become a synonym for non-communist or better yet, anti-communist – would deliver and secure their independent nation as a Western-oriented bulwark against Asian communism in the future.
At the same time,The Hague’s intransigence in the continuing efforts to find a diplomatic solution became more and more annoying to State Department officials and to H. Merle Cochran, the third American GOC representative in Java – a discomfort that Australian diplomats, stationed in Batavia,Washington,and at the United Nations in NewYork nourished as well as they could. 47 The Dutch military offensive, in fact, helped to crystallize a new geopolitical vision in the State Department. Within less than a year, on December 27, 1949, the Dutch government acceded to American pressure and relinquished its sovereignty over the archipelago.